On education and local governments

Tomorrow is Election Day. As people will elect their 12 bets for the Senate, they will also be electing their ‘new’ set of local government officials. Surely, many have heard several promises from the local candidates. For some local government units (LGUs), coalitions were formed based on performance, i.e. the old-but-performing politicos, or their nature as alternatives, i.e. the new-and-untainted candidates.

In the course of the campaign, I personally have seen and heard local candidates sharing their accomplishments, if incumbent, or promises, if a newcomer, in terms of education. Truly, education has been one of the most attractive keyword for both politicians and voters. For politicians, this would mean larger votes considering that parents, students of voting age, teachers, and other school personnel, and even the alumni are possible sources of votes. For the voters, this means benefits like scholarships, free school supplies, and higher bonus for employees, among others.

But have we asked: What can local governments do in terms of education-service delivery? This essay will try to provide some answers to this question. I will first introduce the local government, followed by some information about the local school board and special education fund, and end with some general observations based on cases and experiences of local governments.

The Local Government
According to the Local Government Code of 1991, each municipality shall have a mayor, a vice-mayor, and a set of councilors. The mayor is the local chief executive, while the vice-mayor serves as the presiding officer of the sangguniang bayan (SB). Sections 444 and 445 of the LGC of 1991 provide the powers and functions of the mayor and vice-mayor, respectively.

The councilors comprise the SB, which is the local legislative body. Other members of the sanggunians are the president of the Liga ng mga Barangay, the President of the Pederasyon ng mga Sangguniang Kabataan, and sectoral representatives. The three sectoral representatives will come from the women, the agricultural or industrial workers, and other sectors such as the urban poor, disabled, and indigenous peoples. However, the manner of elections of the sectoral representatives remains to be enacted by Congress. The powers of the SB are provided in Section 447 of the LGC of 1991.

Aside from the above offices created under the LGC of 1991, there are also three special bodies, with multi-sectoral composition, created under the Code. These are the Local Development Council, the Local Health Board, and the one relevant for this essay, the Local School Board.

The Local School Board
At the municipal level, the local school board (LSB) is composed of:

1. The municipal mayor, and
2. The district supervisor of schools as co-chairmen;
3. The chairman of the education committee of the sangguniang bayan,
4. The municipal treasurer,
5. The representative of the pederasyon ng mga sangguniang kabataan in the sangguniang bayan,
6. The duly elected president of the municipal federation of parents-teachers associations,
7. The duly elected representative of the teachers’ organizations in the municipality, and
8. The duly elected representative of the non-academic personnel of public schools in the city

In some cases, other officials of the local government and education bureaucracy like the municipal engineer, municipal planning officer, and representative of secondary schools are added in the membership of the LSB to broaden the participation and make decision-making more informed.

The primary function of the LSB rests on what is called the special education fund (SEF). The SEF accrues from the additional one per cent (1%) on real property tax (RPT) levied by municipal government. This means that for every 100 pesos paid for RPT, an additional peso is collected for SEF. This one peso is then divided equally between the municipal and the provincial governments. Fifty centavos remains with the collecting LGU, and the other 50 centavos goes to the provincial school board (PSB) for its use.

One problem here is that if the land area of a municipality is small, the RPT is also small, and the SEF is even smaller. Here is where the PSB will come into the picture. The PSB, which receives 50 per cent of the total SEF collections from all municipalities under it, should distribute the projects to the less-abled municipalities.

Special Education Fund and its Use
Generally, the SEF can only be used for five purposes, namely:

1. Operation and maintenance of public schools, including organization of extension, non-formal, remedial and summer classes, as well as payment of existing allowances of teachers granted by local government units chargeable to SEF as of 31 December 1997;
2. Construction and repair of school buildings, facilities and equipment, including acquisition, titling and improvement of school sites;
3. Educational research;
4. Acquisition/procurement of books, instructional materials, periodicals and equipment including information technology resources; and
5. Expenses for school sports activities at the national, regional, division, district, municipal and barangay levels as well as for other Department of Education (DepEd) related activities, including co-curricular activities.

The only devolved education-related function on LGUs is the construction and maintenance of classrooms and school buildings. Curriculum, teacher hiring, and many others remain under the control of the DepEd. This is why in most SEF allocations made by LSBs, there is a large emphasis on items number 1 and 2 above.

Aside from classroom and school building construction and maintenance, LGUs have also hired additional teachers. They are usually paid lower than what the DepEd teachers get. Nevertheless, there are teachers who will teach our students.

General Observations
As seen above, only two elected officials come in the LSB: the municipal mayor and the sangguniang bayan education committee chair. Of the two, the mayor has actual and real powers over the LSB, and also the SEF appropriations. In this sense, the mayor as the local chief executive of LGU and the presiding officer of the LSB can also be seen as the controlling officer.

The LGC of 1991 might be silent (but not so much) about the specific powers a mayor can have in terms of education service-delivery at the local level. But in reality, as demonstrated by the cases and experiences of various municipalities, the mayor, acting as the captain, can bring the SEF and LSB to a particular direction, be it good or bad.

In some cases, a powerful local chief executive can impose himself or herself on the LSB. There are cases of LGUs building classrooms, distributing school supplies, textbooks, and even uniforms (some with the mayor’s name or color plastered). Other mayors, those who are less into education, may just let other officials do the work for him/her. There are cases of non-performing LSBs, misused SEFs.

Concluding remarks
It is hoped that this brief essay would help voters in electing their local government officials, particularly their municipal mayors. May this also make everyone aware on how the LSBs functions, and how SEFs are used. As a requirement for the Philippine Transparency Seal and the DILG’s Seal of Good Housekeeping, public display of information related to SEF should be available in your municipal halls. Make it a habit of checking this out for people to know and find out how the funds are used, and whether your LSBs are working.

3 o’clock

In the bible, reference to 3 o’clock, as the time of Jesus Christ’s death, can be found in several verses in the three of the four Gospels. Below are direct quotations from the Gospels according to Matthew, Mark and Luke (New American Bible).

MATTHEW

And about three o’clock Jesus cried out in a loud voice, “Eli, Eli, lema sabachthani?” which means, “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” Some of the bystanders who heard it said, “This one is calling for Elijah.” Immediately one of them ran to get a sponge; he soaked it in wine, and putting it on a reed, gave it to him to drink. But the rest said, “Wait, let us see if Elijah comes to save him.” But Jesus cried out again in a loud voice, and gave up his spirit. (Mt 27:46-50)

MARK

And at three o’clock Jesus cried out in a loud voice, “Eloi, Eloi, lema sabachthani?” which is translated, “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” Some of the bystanders who heard it said, “Look, he is calling Elijah.” One of them ran, soaked a sponge with wine, put it on a reed, and gave it to him to drink, saying, “Wait, let us see if Elijah comes to take him down.” Jesus gave a loud cry and breathed his last. (Mk 15:34-37)

LUKE

It was now about noon and darkness came over the whole land until three in the afternoon because of an eclipse of the sun. Then the veil of the temple was torn down the middle. Jesus cried out in a loud voice, “Father, into your hands I commend my spirit”; and when he had said this he breathed his last. (Lk 23:44-46)

Ramos and De Ramas

From an outsider, it will be curious why some of my relatives are using De Ramas while others, like me, are using Ramos. The elders provided an explanation to this. But before that, let me trace and share briefly my genealogy.

My mother hails from Tuy, Batangas (Tuy is pronounced as ‘tuwi’). Her entire clan occupies Mataywanak, a barangay in Tuy. Her grandparents are Engracio ‘Gara’ De Ramas and Paulina Rodriguez. They had six children: Epifania, Emeteria, Manuela, Cipriana, Epifanio, and Cristina. Of the six, Epifanio was given the surname De Ramas, and the rest were Ramos. My mother’s father is Epifanio. He married Divina Consul of Balayan, Batangas. They had five children: Constancia, Francisca, Juanita, Paulina, and Gregorio. Of the five, Juanita was given the surname Ramos, and the rest were De Ramas. Juanita is my mother. She married Roberto Tan Go of Manila. They had three children: Diana Joann Jane, Jan Robert, and Chinee Jane. We all use Ramos.

During our last family reunion, the discussion about the surname surfaced. One of the explanations offered was registration mistake. Records of the civil registry during their time was done manually, i.e. handwritten. Records cannot be traced easily and it was possible that the registrar committed an error in writing Ramos instead of De Ramas. However, since Tuy is such a small town and everybody knows almost everyone, erring in registration might be next to impossible.

And so the enquiries went deeper. Our family history was uncovered. A Japanese soldier was allegedly murdered by a certain Engracio De Ramas, or Mamay Gara, as they fondly call him. In order to avoid retribution from the Japanese forces, Mamay Gara was told to change his surname and as well as his children’s. From De Ramas, it was changed to Ramos.

Some of his children registered as De Ramas used Ramos in their daily transactions, like Epifanio. Officially, he is Epifanio De Ramas; informally, when interacting with his coworkers, he is Epifanio Ramos. This explains why my mother’s birth certificate indicates Epifanio Ramos as her father. She is Ramos by birth.

Other relatives also modified their surnames. Those who moved to Bicol used Deramas, while those who moved north used De Llamas. The reasons for the changes remain unknown to me.

What is ‘new’ with ‘new institutionalism’? [Part I]

Vivien Lowndes (2010), in her chapter on institutionalism, enumerated the features of new institutionalism, which distinguish it from the traditional approach. There are six. In this essay, I will try to explain the differences in a less theoretical way (hopefully), and present examples based on my own research in order to bring down the discussion to a level that can be understood by all. I will also integrate the insights from other authors and scholars of new institutionalism like Elinor Ostrom (2007), Douglass North (1990), and B. Guy Peters (2012).

From organizations to rules
It is true that the study of politics has been focused on the study of institutions. In new institutionalism, a reconceptualization of institution was made. Students when asked to give examples of institutions would most probably answer “congress,” “university,” or “church.” Traditionally, these could pass as institutions. However, with new institutionalism, the focus of analysis moved away from institutions as organizations to institutions as rules.

A distinction between institutions and organization should be made. Institutions are the rules of the game. They do not determine the behaviour of individuals, but provide the framework for understanding such behaviour. Actions of the players are based on these rules. Organizations, on the other hand, are like individual actors. They are players in the game.

But why institution as rules? New institutionalists claim that all institutions are expressed through rules. Rules prescribe, prohibit and punish actions of players. So rules, in this case, create the positions to be filled up by actors, determine how actors will have to act, and what outcomes are permitted. North also calls these constraints. Institutions, as rules, create the conditions and contexts for actions of players.

For example, a local government is considered an organization composed of various institutions. There are several rules operating within the local government, like the Local Government Code of 1991, the ordinances passed by the local council, and circulars issued by the national government agencies affecting the local governments. These rules provide constraints on the actions that can be taken by the local politicians and bureaucrats.

From formal to informal
If new institutionalism remains focused on formal rules, it is not new. It will simply be a revival of the traditional form. We might as well call it institutionalism. However, new institutionalism changed its focused from the very limited formal rules to the broader informal rules. For new institutionalists, effective political institutions are those that are lived by actors. This justifies the bias towards informal rules.

Formal rules, or the rules-in-form, are written, codified statements setting out the parameters for participation and involvement within an organization. They identify, in form, the actors, and their positions, authority, and limitations. North devised a hierarchy of formal rules: constitutions, statute and common laws, specific bylaws, and individual contracts.

Informal rules, or the rules-in-use, are the unwritten rules. They are largely based on norms, customs and behaviours shaped by the day-to-day interaction of actors. According to Ostrom, rules-in-use are the distinctive ensemble of ‘dos and don’ts that one learns on the ground. Compared to rules-in-form, rules-in-use are the actualized version of the rules, not necessarily conforming to the prescription. In fact, rules-in-use can be a different set of rules.

It is important to note here is that not all norms or behaviours are rules-in-use. For this reason, it is helpful to look at Hall’s idea of the standard operating procedures. Hall said that the rules-in-use should be recognized by the actors, and can be explained clearly by the same actors to the researcher. It should also be remembered that some actors act with regularity but without recognition that it is already a rule-in-use. These make the rules-in-use invisible.

So, between the formal and informal rules, there is preference for the latter. New institutionalists are interested with the expressed, but they appreciate more the real ones. This is because actors do not always follow rules. They may adjust or devise their own ‘rules,’ or simply ignore the existing ones.

The rules I enumerated earlier are formal institutions. The 1987 Constitution, the LGC of 1991, ordinances, and circulars are written rules. These rules govern over the local government units in the performance of their functions. The rules-in-use are the actual usage of the rules. A municipal mayor may be more powerful informally than what is provided by law.

[To be continued…]

Bibiliography

• Lowndes, Vivien. “The Institutional Approach.” In Theory and Methods in Political Science. 3rd ed., edited by David Marsh and Gerry Stoker, 60-79. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
• North, Douglass C. Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990.
• Ostrom, Elinor. “Institutional Rational Choice: An Assessment of the Institutional Analysis and Development Framework.” In Theories of the Policy Process, edited by Paul A. Sabatier, 21-64. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2007.
• Peters, B. Guy. Institutional Theory in Political Science: The ‘New Institutionalism’. 3rd ed. London and New York: Continuum, 2012.

The Research Process

It is quite frustrating on the part of a researcher if, after all the data needed have been gathered, there is a difficulty in translating the data into text. What I am talking about is writing the research itself. Writing is the easiest part, but it is not that easy after all.

Of course, the proposal stage was the most challenging part. Framing the questions, conceptualizing the theoretical and analytical frameworks, integration of various articles, chapters and books for the literature review are those that make the proposal stage a difficulty task. However, once everything is in place, once the proposal is approved, a researcher takes another phase: data gathering.

Data gathering is the most tasking, yet most exciting part of all. There are many realizations one can derive from the data gathering process. When we gather data, we realize two things: first, the problem is right, i.e. the questions are validated; and second, there are a lot of questions you have yet to ask. The world is a big research basin. You can find many interesting answers to different questions. There are also realities uncovered that sometimes are not known to our common senses. Data gathering gives us an in-depth understanding of the research problem we chose.

In short, during data gathering process, the research takes its full form. We can now see the bigger picture: how the variables are connected, and their interaction. It is safe to say that after data gathering, you have your complete research in your head, awaiting the writing process.

This makes writing seemingly easy. Because we have the idea that it is ready and about to burst out in form of words, sentences and paragraphs, writing becomes the hardest part, in reality. How does one phrase the sentences to sound clear and effective in delivering the right message? Which goes first, goes last? There is this dilemma a researcher face which becomes hard to resolve. In my case, I know what I have to write, but I cannot write them.

Relaxation should be made part of the research process. The stress present in the researcher’s mind does no help, but even makes everything cluttered! 

Politics and the national budget (Part IV)

This might be far from the original fourth (and the last) installment on my discussion of politics and the national budget. I originally intended to post five blog entries. For almost three years, here I am posting the next in the series.

Why is the budget designed for maximum spread? Maximum spread in this case would mean that the budget covers almost all areas. Spread is geographic. Partly related to the previous point on dependency, the idea of budget as maximum spread is part of the political trade-off. The national government and its officials must appeal to the local politicians. Let me elaborate on this matter.

As much as possible, the national government must be able to provide at least one project to various local government units. In my opinion, there are two reasons for this one: First, on the part of the local government, there is a sense of recognition from the top of the existence of the local government unit that it gained the attention of the national chief executive. Whatever that may be, it is a prestige.

Second, the national government must distribute projects all over the country to assure a strong hold over local government units so that at the time of reckoning, i.e. elections, the candidates of the administration will gain the same or more seats.

This causes the maximum spread nature of our budget. Bits and pieces are distributed. No wonder that road construction will not cover the whole stretch of the road, but only some two or three kilometers. While some might argue that finishing the entire stretch of the road would be more beneficial to the people, and I agree with this argument, it is the political consequences, should the national government fail to give proper attention to these dependents, that matter. Ergo, the maximum spread budget persists.

Concluding remarks. The national budget in 2009 may be very much different today, 2012, or next year 2013. The changes in the political landscape of the country might probably affected these changes. The current president runs a continuing campaign against corruption and for good governance, transparency and accountability. However the fact remains that political interests never die. They transcend political alliances, parties, if any, and principles.

Alongside our battle for good government, we have, as a people, a powerful tool. We pay our taxes, either through income taxes, withholding taxes, or even value added taxes. We have all the right to demand from the government to spend our money wisely based on what our needs as a people are.

To end, and to remind us, let me repeat this point I made three years ago: “Budget is no longer an accounting problem. It is not entirely about the deficit and the surplus, the inflow and outflow. Rather, the budget is a political problem.” It requires a political solution from the people who has the power to once again change the political landscape of this country.

Political Science and Political Theory

In practically all the disciplines, both in the natural and the social sciences, there is a set of theories propounded by their respective scholars that seek to explain, describe or understand the phenomena, which transpires within the province of their discipline. For political science, this set of theories, both normative and empirical, can be lumped into one sub-field called political theory. In this essay, I will explain how political theory in general “inform” political science. What is the utility of political theory to the discipline? This is followed by an enumeration of what I believe are the functions of political theory in political science.

Political Science
In order to provide a clear understanding of the relationship between the two, it is necessary to provide a definition. What is political science?

David Easton defines political science as the study of the authoritative distribution of resources. The keyword here is authoritative. By this, it means that power is involved. This reminds us of Colin Hay’s perception of the political; that is the relationship between people with different degrees or amount of power. The literature is clear when it said that among the actors in the society the state has the monopoly of the use of coercive power. By saying that, we are placing the state as the powerful actor in the society and other actors have less or no power at all.

In any case, political science now can be deemed as the study of the power relations within the state, between the state and society, and within the society. I included “within the society” because the members of the society also have varying amounts of power and their interaction is an interaction between and among powers as well.

Political Theory
Given the above definition of political science, I will now turn to political theory. Theories, in general, are approximation of how reality works. This assertion is based on the assumption of uncertainty, even in the realm of [natural] science. Theories, therefore, are explanation of how a phenomenon works, transpires or occurs.

Using “political” as an adjective to “theories”, this make political theory to mean as a set of assumptions and approximations in order to understand or explain, depending on one’s epistemological position, the power relations in the society; that is the interaction of the state and the society and within their respective spheres.

Informing Political Science
Political theory is the lens we use in the course of our work in political science. Whether normative or empirical, they provide perspectives and approaches for us to understand and explain political phenomena. The connection, therefore, is inviolable.

Why do the voters vote for a particular candidate? What could be the explanations for a shift in party alignments among the electorate? These questions which concern political science can be best understood using the behavioural and rational choice theories.

In the normative theories, we are guided on how should politics and political science be done. How does one form a society? What are the origin and nature of state? What form of government must be used and established?

In this sense, political theory serves as the backbone of political science. There is no political science without political theory. It would be hard to distinguish power relations between society and state if there are no theories concerning their existence and their interaction. There would be also no idea of what powers can be granted to the state, to the rules, to the individuals, without political theory in political science.

Functions of political theory
In my reading of the literature, political theory can be said to have two major functions: first, it guides researches, and second, it motivates further theorizing in political science.

Researches, in and out of political science, are guided by theories. In a research proposal, for example, there is a part dedicated to theoretical and conceptual framework. Theoretical framework provides the theories, which will be used in understanding or explaining the answers to the problem. Conceptual framework provides how the variables in the researches are theoretically connected or related. Political theory performs the function as the guide in the researches in order to bring direction and identify how the particular phenomenon observed is going to be evaluated.

Political theory also motivates further theorizing. This is evident on how Plato motivated Aristotle to make his own set of theories. History will tell us that Aquinas got his ideas from the works of Aristotle. The prescriptive views of ancient and medieval political philosophers might have led Machiavelli to be realistic. The existing power structures influenced Hobbes, Locke and Rousseau to write their social contract theories. And the tradition lives on.

Conclusion
I have argued the importance of political theory in political science. However, it must be emphasized that this view is also limited. For example, we cannot discount the function of methodology in research. While theory provides a backbone, the methodology concretizes the research process. Without over emphasizing and exaggeration, this essay attempted to provide to political theory what is due to its utility in the discipline of political science.