Modern Principalia
From a doctoral dissertation, Dr Dante C Simbulan transformed his work into a book that dissected elitism in the Philippines. “The Modern Principalia” summarizes how the Spanish and American colonization shaped the present day elites. The book explores into the unstable political parties and the dynamics of the ruling elite as it transforms from the “old” to the “new” principalia.
Overview
Simbulan started his book by discussing the nature of the elite. He defined the term elite as the people who are in high position in the society. Then he expounds on how to elites are and where they be found. Since the dissertation was done in the pre-Marcos era, the facts and figures, the observations and the personalities involved are within the specified time frame. Noticeably, some of his observations are still applicable to the present day.
After a conceptual overview of the elite, Simbulan narrated the beginnings of the elite system from the pre-colonial period. To him, elites already existed during the time when Datus and Rajahs were still the rulers. The facts that leadership rests on the hands of a family and decision-making is within the hands of a single person are enough bases for such an assertion.
By the time the Spanish arrived, they found the current system favourable to them and kept the local or native elites powerful. The difference in this case is that there are now an even higher level of authority or power than those of the Datus and Rajahs. Catholic conversion of the natives, starting from the sons and daughters of the elites, were employed to further the Spanish indoctrination.
The Spanish could be considered successful in their attempt to perpetuate power while preserving, and even developing, the existing elites. This predomination of elites, though they are few, persisted until the American colonization. During American occupation, the established elites remained in power.
Education has become one of the major measurements of the society. One must be able to read or write English or Spanish in order to participate in the elections. But the Spanish did not establish a public education system with the fear that the educated may revolt against their oppressive means. It appears now that Americans, though they established a formal public education system, tolerated this shortcoming of the Spanish by imposing unjust qualifications.
Of course, the issue of distribution has not found its resolution. Governance and control has been, as it has always been, centred in Metropolitan Manila. And vis-à-vis other provinces and cities in the country, dependence on the urban is observed. Rural areas remained agricultural and slow paced.
Another concern was the seemingly apathetic population to the state of elitism. With the semi-feudal orientation of the country, it has been a culture, if not a tradition or practice that the masses will depend highly on that of the elite as in the landlord-serf relationship.
Simbulan also dissected the composition of the elites during that period. He analysed the origins of these elites: where they came from, how old they started to enter politics, how long they were in the government, how wealthy they are, and what families do they belong to.
A historical account on the political parties from the collapse of the revolutionary government to the early American occupation, to the declaration of independence and finally the pre-Marcos regime were detailed. It is surprising that though there are two contending parties, the Nacionalista and the Liberal, the composition was never fixed. There are times that a politician moves from one party to another and back. Further, parties were very loose that as early as this period, elections were a matter of personality and not of platform and ideology.
It is particularly rewarding for an official of the government to stay in power. There are lots of benefits one can reap from office. Simbulan explained how the incumbents used the government to their benefit, how government has been used to further empower the already powerful elites. It was as if the government has into an enterprise of the elites.
Review
The book is a historical evolution of the Philippine ruling oligarchy. Apart from merely stating the facts, Simbulan incorporated several theses and arguments, which remain true today.
First, the dependency of the masses to the ruling elites. Perhaps it has been inculcated in the culture of the Filipinos that if there is a chance to take advantage of the networks and connections, then grab it. Also, elites are found to be superior to the masses that are, as they think they are, inferior. This could be an effect of the previous set up of the landlord-serf relationship that persisted for decades and even up to now in some provinces.
This trait is best exemplified by the number of people coming in and out of the halls of the House of Representatives, the Senate, other government agencies, local government units, seeking for help and assistance. Most of the time, these are requests for medical assistance for operations or transplants, or educations assistance in forms of scholarship grants.
Second, the centralised decision-making. It is not a problem per se. Neither is it good. The concept of centralised decision-making can be viewed in two ways: (1) decision-making is centralised in urban locations such as Manila, and (2) decision-making is centralised in the hands of the few. As the number two is very apparent given the nature of the society, that is, elite dominated and therefore power is wielded in the hands of the few, number one proves even more convincing. Manila as the cradle of the central government proved to control power and decision-making for the rest of the country.
As always argued, whatever happens in Manila could be felt in the other regions but not the other way around. Take a look at the development of Manila. Due to the dominance of the elite in the metropolis, we expect a boom in the market. And yes, it is true. But look at the regions up north and down south, though local elites are richer and well off, the general population are impoverished and the region remained agricultural.
Third, the unstable parties and personality politics. Very timely, we are now witnesses to the realisation of this observation in the present day. Like the Nacionalista and Liberal parties before, parties today never had permanent membership. Movement by a leading member to another party would mean transferring of the followers as well. Especially during elections, parties are reconfigured, politicians realign themselves, and all behind the movements would be petty differences and issues on nominations. Recently, we saw the same movements of people prior to the filing of certificates of candidacy.
Also, we are, as we have been since, more personality-based when it comes to choices for candidates. It doesn’t matter what label or party the candidates belong, so long as it satisfy the need for a certain personality.
Lastly, we find one interesting thesis of Simbulan in this book: the emergence of the modern principalia, though slow, is caused by the opening of various access points to the general public. The principalia is no longer the same Spanish or Chinese mestizos. New principalia emerged with people getting education, they are no capable of reaching the status others did ages ago. Simbulan is right when he said that even if channels are open for the modern principalia, the fact remains that the same families that ruled before are still ruling at the present day during the writing of his dissertation and the real present day of ours.
* Simbulan, D. (2005) The modern principalia: the historical evolution of the Philippine ruling oligarchy. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.
